Colonization: M. Marín Díaz argued that colonization during the late Republic was a political answer to agrarian problems, in contrast to the primarily military colonization of the mid-Republic in Iberia. It is in this period, and especially under Caesar, that we see deductiones of the urban plebs to colonies outside Italy, though veteran settlements continue in importance.[i] Both Brunt and Fear argued that individual settlers prior to Caesar and Augustus were few in number.[ii] Reconstruction of colonization during the period of Caesar and Augustus must be carried out through analysis of the names of their colonies, though as Brunt and others point out, it is difficult to distinguish between Caesarian and Augustan colonies by this means. (1971: 234) Of the cities included in my study, Brunt included Corduba, Hispalis, Astigi, Carthago Nova, Barcino, Emerita Augusta, and Pax Iulia among colonies founded under Caesar and Augustus, and Gades, Italica, Olisipo, and Saguntum among municipia founded in the same period. (1971: 589-603) In addition, Brunt noted that Galba granted Clunia colonial status. (1971: 584) Thus nearly all of the cities included for study in this dissertation were touched by the activities of Caesar and Augustus. Marín Díaz noted that Suetonius referred to 80,000 total (i.e. Iberia and other areas) overseas colonists transferred by Caesar.[iii] Brunt argued that a colony normally consisted of 2,000-3,000 settlers and, in Baetica and Tarraconensis, and an additional 2,000 enfranchised natives. (1971: 236, 261)[iv] He also noted that colonies might include enfranchised provincials or previously resident Italians, so colonial foundations are not a guarantee of a new stream of emigration from Italy. (1971: 244)[v] Not all Caesarian colonists may have been new residents, but the proportion of Italians will have been high and Suetoniuscomment suggests that there were in fact many new Italians settled in Iberia. While these may have been a small number out of the estimated 5 million people in Iberia at this point (see below pp. 52-53), it is a huge number when one considers its effect on the urban centers of the type under examination in this thesis. While a small number of individuals may have been added to the province as a whole, thousands were added to the communities which later produced the tombstones studied here. At the end of the process of urbanization stretching from Caesar to Domitian, Baetica possessed, apart from 10 colonies, more than a hundred cities with the status of a municipium; at least 32 of them were apparently Flavian municipia. In Lusitania we can count, besides 5 colonies, at least 28 municipia, of which 13 are likely to have been Flavian foundations. And in Hispania Citerior, besides 12 colonies, there were at least 125 communities with the juridical status of a municipium, including at least 35 Flavian foundations.(Alföldy 2000: 451) Alföldy estimated 24 colonies and a large number of municipia founded between the last years of Caesar and 14 CE. (2000: 450) Just the 24 colonies of Caesar and Augustus will have added something like 96,000 colonists and enfranchised natives to the Romanpopulation of the peninsula. The impact of these individuals in the areas under study will have been overwhelming. L. Curchin argued that the focal point of romanization was the city, and it was the local aristocracythe town councilors and priestwho set the example for each community.(1991: 81) Yet the majority of colonists and their descendants will not have been members of the local aristocracy. Brunt showed that a large percentage of settlers in Caesars colonies were proletarians rather than veterans. (1971: 256) It is these individuals who were the chief users of the Latin tombstone, and it is they who brought tombstone styles to the peninsula. In contrast to the foundations of Caesar, E. T. Salmon noted that Augustuscolonies tended be populated by veterans and that they were intended as instruments for Roman expansion.(1969: 141)[vi] These individuals are more likely to be new residents, but the majority of these individuals will also have been members of the non-elite.[vii] Fear argued that colonists are unlikely to have been seen as cultural ambassadors for Rome,and that colonies were not founded with a romanizing purpose in mind.[viii] It is unlikely, however, that any colonies were founded with a romanizing purpose. They were founded for the sake of the settlers, not for the sake of the local population. A by-product of this settlement, though, was the introduction of tombstone styles into the peninsula, and these styles stayed current among the non-elite segments of the population throughout the first and second centuries CE. Immigration: In addition to the initial colonization under Caesar and Augustus, non-elite individuals continued to move about within the peninsula and back and forth from Italy. Signs of this movement can be seen in tombstones where the original home (origo) of deceased is named. The presence of commemorators for these deceased make it likely that these individuals had settled in their adopted communities. E. Haley studied Spanish inscriptions listing origo and concluded that this feature of a tombstone was characteristic of what he saw as middle class individuals.[ix] He also noted that in Spanish inscriptions not only peasants appear&but also persons of humbler rank, the poor, and natives. (1991: 25) Haley's study of foreigners in imperial Spain was concerned to collect the evidence for migrants (through indication of origin in inscriptions and through other means) and analyze the motives for migration. Origo indications, however, are a product of local preference for particular funerary formulae, and thus are not a reliable guide to actual extent of migration. But the inscriptions listing origo do tell us about patterns of migration if not the extent of that migration. Inscriptions listing an Italian place of origin generally date from after the period after Caesar and Augustus, and thus attest to further migration from Italy to Iberia. In addition, people began to emigrate from other areas of the empire to Spain. Haley counted 27 cases in which imperial inscriptions list an Italian origin for an individual. The majority of these are soldiers. (Haley 1991: 33) Haley counted 32 Gauls and 48 probable Africans. (1991: 36-7, 44-9) Overall these numbers are quite small (one half of one percent of the 22,000 inscriptions from Iberia), but it must be assumed that foreign origin was not expressed by all those who possessed it. While these numbers do not prove a high level of migration, they do show the areas from which people might come. Migration within the peninsula also helped spread ideas, and Haley counted 192 Spanish alieni in Lusitania, 162 in Baetica, and 360 in Tarraconensis. (1991: 59-60, 67-8, 83-4) These examples make up some 3% of the total number of inscriptions from Iberia. Again, though the numbers are small, people seem to have moved within the peninsula and settled. If these migrants were non-elite, as Haley suggested, then they will have carried ideas about tombstone inscriptions with them. Where Haley found foreigners, he supplied a motive from the economic attractiveness of that locale. Chiefly, he suggested that mining operations were a strong magnet for migrants. (1991: 89) It appears that freeborn, native individuals played a part in the working of the mines of the northwest and elsewhere. (Haley 1991: 94ff.) According to Haley, trade was an equally important motivation for migration, and he argued that trade was carried out by a trading classvisible in Spain and elsewhere. (1991: 101ff.) Otherwise, elevated population in some areas and urban amenities may have led to migration. (1991: 110-12) The slave trade, of course, led to forced migration. (Haley 1991: 112) Haley noted that the lack of Italian traders attested can be attributed to the decline in Italian exports in this period. (1991: 114) But it is likely that Spanish export traders were traveling to Italy in this period, and bringing back with them ideas about funerary practices. Movement was also fostered by the development of a road network which was developed from Augustus on.[x] B. Frier claimed that military colonization, the movement of the commercial and intellectual classes, and the flow of slaves were the three major avenues of internal migration in the early empire. (2000: 809) In the Julio-Claudian period Cordoba, Hispalis, and Astigi became major distribution points for Spanish wine and olive oil on its way to Rome. Wine exports were important in the early first century CE, though they declined in the second half of the first century CE when oil exports were reaching their peak. (Richardson 1996a: 163)[xi] Richardson noted that one explanation for the Spanish imports, especially from the eastern coast, is that the distance from Tarraco to Ostia is relatively short, even in comparison with the journey from southern and southeastern Italy.(Richardson 1996a: 163)[xii] A good deal of the amphorae which make up Monte Testaccio in Rome are Spanish, as are the amphorae shipped to the Roman armies on the Rhine and Danube.[xiii] Olive oil and garum were exported in bulk well into the second century.[xiv] Fish sauce was also exported.[xv] The production and trade of terra sigillata hispanica led to internal trade on the peninsula.[xvi] Note also the silver-mining areas around New Carthage and around Castulo in the upper Guadalquivir valley, among other areas.[xvii] Harris suggested that many merchants and many successful ones were freedmen or slaves, though plenty of others were free-born.(2000: 732) Haley showed the patterns of migration to and within the peninsula, and other studies of trade, agriculture, and mining have demonstrated why people may have moved within the peninsula as well as to and from Italy. Even when elite administrators or traders moved about, they took with them a group of assistants and slaves, the vast majority of whom will have been non-elite. The majority of the individuals who moved about because of trade will not have been members of the imperial or local elites either. From the very late Republic through the second centuries, a variety of motives led to the movement of individuals back and forth to Italy and within the Iberian peninsula, and it was through these means that ideas about tombstones were transmitted.
[ii] Fear 1996: 54-55 and Brunt 1971: 160-65, 204-33. Brunt argued further that the average peasant had neither the desire nor means to emigrate prior to the late republic. [iii] 1988: 195. Suetonius, Divus Julius 42.1: octoginta autem civium milium in transmarinas colonias distributis.Cf. Brunt (1971: 255ff.). [iv] See Pliny, HN 3.28f. [v] Brunt asserted that enfranchisement of natives was more likely in Tarraconensis and Baetica than in Lusitania. (1971: 250) Fear also argued that most colonies had a mix of both colonists and non-colonist natives living together. This would have been necessary for a colony of 2,000-3,000 individuals to be viable. (1996: 96-7) [vi] Cf. Brunt 1971: 259. [vii] It is clear, however, that veteran settlements do not have much of an impact on the funerary stones in the first generation, since in most of my sample cities soldiersinscriptions are rare relative to other provinces. [viii] 1996: 82-3. He also argued here that most colonists were veterans and that the poorer, ordinary troops would not be the best propagators of Roman culture. Cf. also Fear 1996: 78-9. [ix] Haley 1991: 12. See also Étienne and Fabre 1979 on immigration at Tarraco. [x] Briefly Richardson (1996a: 160ff.) and, at great length, Sillières 1990. [xi] On the rural development in the Guadalquivir valley, see Ponsich 1974-1991 and 1998. Cf. Fear 1996: 263. [xii] See Tchernia 1986. [xiii] Alföldy 2000: 450. See Rodríguez Almeida 1980 and 1986. References from Richardson 1996a: 165. [xiv] Richardson 1996a: 226. On Baetican olive oil see Remesal Rodríguez 1998. [xv] On these industries see Edmondson 1987, Curtis 1991, Ponsich and Tarradell 1963, and Edmondson 1990. References from Richardson 1996a: 164. [xvi] Richardson 1996a: 166. [xvii] On mining see Domergue 1990 and 1998. Cf. Blanco and Luzón
1966 and Rodriguez Ennes 1992.
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